As I sit down to write about my army experience, the rush of bittersweet
memories causes my fingers to pause on the typewriter. I remember as though it were
yesterday--feelings of bewilderment after my induction, the sounds of the
Pacific surf washing up on the beaches of Camp McQuaide, the pine-scented
grounds of Baxter General Hospital in Spokane, the concerned faces of Italian
prisoners of war at the news that I had been transferred to the infantry, the
bone-tiredness of endless marches and field exercises, the sharp commands and
the smell of gunpowder at firing ranges during hot Missouri afternoons, the
rise and fall of a troop transport at sea, the fears and anxieties that
accompany the snap of bullets, the whistling of shell fragments near one's
body, the sight of dead and dismembered bodies on the ground, the shock at
seeing friends killed and wounded, the obscene shapes of bombed and shelled
buildings, and French civilians rummaging through army garbage cans for food.
I am also uneasily aware of the phantom of my former self--a young,
dirty, unshaven infantryman, helmet strap dangling; field overcoat opened;
pockets and pack bulging with books, ammunition, hand grenades, and K-rations;
carbine slung over one shoulder; several cans of 30 caliber machine gun
ammunition at his feet, reading with a sardonic glint what I am typing. And behind him are the faces, living
and dead, of my former comrades at arms.
While at the Brigham Young University, I did my best to get into a
variety of officer training Programs without success. Each time I was turned down because of my vision. Even when drafted, I found out that I
could not qualify for any kind of a commission. I was condemned to be drafted as a private. As a result I entered the army with a very
negative attitude.
I was drafted into the army on October 27, 1942, through the Murray
Draft Board. This draft board was
very unpopular in our community.
With reason, it was considered to be anti-Mormon and especially
anti-returned missionary. With
other draftees, I was trucked to Fort Douglas. My arms aching from what seemed to be innumerable
immunizations, I was soon outfitted with more clothing than I had ever
possessed in my life. Instructed
in the niceties of army life, I soon became an expert at making army-style beds,
properly folding clothes into footlockers, in the care of personal equipment
(especially fire arms), and in army methods of mopping barrack floors, standing
guard, and K.P. I saw many
realistic films of army life, combat, and the dangers of close association with
young women. While enduring a long
series of I.Q. and skill tests, I encountered Sergeant Oliver Smith, a friend
from B.Y.U., who asked me if I would like to join him in the induction service
at Fort Douglas as a clerk-typist and spend the war years in Salt Lake City. Very foolishly I told him that I wanted
to travel. Classified as a
clerk-typist on limited duty, I was promptly shipped off to Camp McQuaide, a
coastal artillery base on the California coast between the town of Watsonville
and Santa Cruz.
After an interesting train ride through Utah, Nevada, and
California, I arrived at camp and was assigned to the medical dispensary as one
of two medical assistants to the doctors in charge. The assistants at the dispensary around 7:00 a.m., cleaned
the building, filled medicine bottles, checked supplies, typed requisitions,
and made out reports. When the
doctor arrived at 8:30 a.m., the dispensary doors were thrown open to a long
line of soldiers on sick call. One
assistant interviewed the soldiers--typing down names, serial numbers, and units,
as well as symptoms of complaints.
The other assistant helped the doctor examine patients and write down
prescriptions and instructions.
Men with communicable diseases, serious injuries, or with temperatures
of 100 degrees or over automatically went to the hospital. Soldiers with no signs of illness were
scolded by the doctor, who reported them to their unit commanders. The rest--treated for their various aches,
pains, bruises, cuts, hangovers, and colds--were medicated, instructed to stay
in their barracks for several days, and if not improved to report back on sick
call.
About once a month the dispensary immunized troops going
overseas. Long lines of naked men
were given shots in arms and buttocks as fast as they could be injected. The attendant would grab an arm or fold
of flesh, shoot the needle in, eject the contents, pull the hypodermic back,
put on a sterile needle, and repeat the process. On hot days, one or two soldiers might collapse, causing
soldiers to faint all down the line.
A bucket of cold water quickly revived them.
My life at Camp McQuaide soon fell into a definite routine. I arose at 5:30 a.m., made my bed,
cleaned and mopped the space around it, ate breakfast at the mess hall, and
read until it was time to go to work around 7:00 a.m. Going off duty at 5:30 p.m., I often went to the camp
library to check out books and to read papers and magazines. Then I might go to a base movie with friends,
play an occasional hand of poker in the perennial poker games, or go for a long
walk on the beach to study the marine and beach wildlife and to collect
shells. It was a pleasant
existence, as army rules and regulations were ignored in the medical corps. On weekends I went to various USOs in
neighboring towns for the Saturday night dances and usually attended church on
Sunday. I became part of a group
of soldiers from the small town and farms of the Midwest and the South. I disliked the profane, aggressive
behavior of the boys from the larger cities. Two soldiers--Jess Bumgardiner, a Lutheran, and Marshall
Sheldon, a country boy from Montana--became very close friends.
For my first Christmas in the army, I hitchhiked to the home of Aunt
Melba, my father's sister, in Los Gatos, California. Her husband S. J. Gallagher, was a prosperous
lettuce-packer. They had two boys
then in high school. Not knowing
what an ill-starred family they were, I enjoyed the holidays. A few years after the war, Aunt Melba
was badly burned in a kitchen fire.
Unable to accept the chronic pain and facial disfigurement, she
committed suicide. Her husband, in
shock, disappeared into Mexico--not to emerge for many years. The boys, thrown upon their own, became
vagabonds, unable to adjust to the collapse of their family.
Shortly after Christmas I was transferred to the base intelligence
office. The office consisted of a
lieutenant, myself as typist and file clerk, and a network of soldiers in
various base units paid small stipends to spy on their fellow soldiers. Intelligence files were kept on all
soldiers born in Germany--especially those who had served in the German army,
on men whose careless comments about the war or government caused them to be
reported to our office, and on soldiers whose activities created doubts about
their loyalties. Agents reported
by writing to a box number in the Watsonville post office. A summary of our activities was
forwarded to higher echelons about once a month. I was puzzled, bored, and contemptuous about the importance
of our efforts. Because of my
attitude, I was soon transferred out of intelligence and wound up as a ward
attendant in the camp hospital. As
punishment, I experienced long periods of night duty, which enforced my chronic
hostility to the army. However, I
was able to use the night hours to study.
Some time in January, 1943, a Sergeant Graham called together the
Mormon servicemen to form a religious organization and hold services on
base. We gradually came to form a
close group, spending our free time together. On weekends, we were usually invited to nearby Mormon
homes. One of the Mormon
servicemen, Gilbert Wall from Watsonville, became another close friend. I might add that I continued to
associate closely with my non-Mormon friends, also.
My life at Camp McQuaide came to an end on May 16, 1943. On that date, Gilbert Wall, Jess
Bumgardiner, and I became part of a medical personal draft transferred to the
newly-opened Baxter General Hospital in Spokane, Washington. For several weeks we cleaned windows, painted
rooms, scrubbed floors, unloaded supplies, and installed hospital equipment,
preparing the hospital for the reception of wounded soldiers from Kiska and
Attu. I was then assigned to
Receiving and Disposition, and Gilbert to Pharmacy. The wounded began arriving on June 24, 1943. The silent, bandaged figures, still
wearing battle clothing, were assigned to wards. The soldiers were cared for at Baxter until they could be
sent to military hospitals closer to their homes. My particular assignment was to type up their files and then
call their parents and give them information about the arrival of their sons
and the nature of their wounds and injuries. I was deeply touched by the broken voices and expressions of
thanks in many different dialects around the country.
On our first free day, Gilbert Wall and I hunted down the local
Mormon bishop, Brother Albert Morgan, who invited us to church and mentioned
that a club, the D and C Club, had been organized among L.D. S. servicemen in
and around Spokane. By joining the
club, Gilbert and I became part of an absorbing Mormon world. Differences in rank did not exist
within the club. Many young L.D.S.
women had migrated to Spokane in search of employment. They also became active in
club-sponsored social activities.
Under the charismatic, loving direction of the sponsoring family, The
Bardsleys, the D and C Club played an important role in the lives of L.D.S.
young people in Spokane. As I was
able to exchange work assignments with Seventh Day Adventists friends in my
office, I had most of my Sundays free to attend church. Mormon families were extremely kind and
made sure that every L.D.S. serviceman ate Sunday dinner in a Mormon home.
I soon developed a comfortable existence at Baxter General
Hospital. My work load was
light. I worked an eight-hour
shift with freedom to come and go as I pleased. Army regulations were seldom enforced. Living accommodations and food were
excellent. I enjoyed an active
social life. There were charming
L.D.S. girls to date. As a result
of the D and C Club, I got to know many local Mormon families extremely
well. I am still grateful to the
Conrad and Bardsley families for their many kindnesses. I was virtually adopted into the Conrad
family.
Through my friendship with Bumgardiner, I participated in the weekly
activities of the Lutheran U.S.O. and made friends with Lutheran servicemen and
young people. At this U.S.O., I
came to know a librarian at the Spokane Public Library who granted me the
privileges of a resident library card.
I began a systematic program of self-education and read almost
everything the library had in history, natural sciences, geography, philosophy,
and in Spanish, French, Italian, and Latin American literature. While at the hospital I helped to train
elements of a newly-created field hospital preparing for overseas duty. Several times I was invited to join the
hospital staff, but refused. I
constantly pestered the personnel office at Baxter to transfer me to Latin
America, where I could use my Spanish.
I could have spent the entire war in Spokane among congenial people in
an attractive environment, had it not been for my foolish obsession with Latin
America.
On September 4, 1943, I was assigned to assist a major conduct a
wounded soldier from Baxter General Hospital to Fitzsimmons General Hospital in
Denver, Colorado--a very plush hospital.
Once the soldier was delivered, I caught a crowded train for Salt Lake
City and spent a ten-day furlough with my family, whom I had not seen for over
a year. I visited the families of
my friends in the military service, dated old girl friends, and caught up with
family news. On September 13, my
sister, Sarah, was rushed to the L.D.S. Hospital for an emergency Cesarean
operation. Her baby, Marilyn,
survived the event quite well, but Sarah did not recover as fast as
expected. I, therefore, secured an
additional ten days' leave.
Returning to Baxter General Hospital, I was notified towards the end of
January, 1944, that I would be transferred to the Quartermaster Corps and
stationed at an Italian prisoner-of-war camp in Clearfield, Utah. I could hardly believe my good luck,
but little did I know that I had put my foot on the road that would end in
combat in France.
At the quartermaster depot, I supervised the work of a group of
Italian prisoners of war assigned to clean and to recondition used army
clothing. We got along very well
together. I could understand their
Italian and they my Spanish. The
work was easy. Again, I worked an
8-hour shift with freedom to come and go after work. I spent much of my time among the Italians, talking about
the war, international events, and Italy.
I went home almost every weekend.
Most of my friends were away, but I encountered an old girlfriend of
mine from B.Y.U.--an Hawaiian girl by the name of Ruth Needham. As she was an excellent dancer, we
spent many Saturday evenings together at the Rainbow Randevu in Salt Lake
City. While visiting my sister,
Sarah, and her family in Provo, I met a Ruth Call from Colonia, Juarez, and
dated her on my trips to Provo.
In Ogden, I ran across an old missionary companion by the name of
Roy Barton, who lived in Roy, Utah.
I also met a cousin, Bruce Clark, from Georgetown, Utah. The three of us attended many ward
events in Ogden, danced at the White City, and had some fine times
together. Although I missed my
friends in Spokane, I enjoyed being so close to home and hoped to wait out the
war there.
But, alas, alarming rumors came to us from the Italians. Their status was changed from
prisoners-of-war to allied labor units.
We, their supervisors and guards, were to be transferred to new infantry
divisions in the process of formation.
Being classified as a clerk-typist and interpreter in limited service, I
did not believe the rumors. But
the Italians insisted upon giving me impromptu lessons in the techniques of fox
hole digging, advancing under enemy fire, night patrolling, and German
psychology. Then one, sad day, we
were issued helmets, firearms, and combat gear. We began to spend more time at the firing ranges and in training
programs. Finally, towards the end
of April, I received a fifteen-day pass without requesting one. I knew that we were soon shipping out
to an unknown destination. But I
enjoyed my fifteen days. Several
close friends, such as Donald Selin, were home on leave. We dated together and had many good
times. I also hiked to the top of
Mt. Olympus and wandered through the fields and woods of Holladay. The war seemed far away.
On June 1, 1944, shortly after my return to camp, a group of
apprehensive, unhappy soldiers (including myself) were shipped to Camp Adair,
Oregon. Upon arrival, I was
assigned to the machine gun squad, Company F, 276th Infantry Regiment, 70th
Infantry Division. I mentioned my
limited duty status to the assigning officer and was told not to worry about
it. I pointed out that I had bad
eyesight. The officer soothingly
replied that they would give me four or five pair of glasses in case I lost a
pair. When I mentioned my second
degree flat-footedness, the officer had a special pair of combat boots ordered
for me. My days of play-acting as
a soldier had come to an end. Most
of the men in our newly-formed division had been transferred against their will
from other branches of the services as abruptly as I had been. The level of education was quite high
and griping reached new heights of eloquence. Some officers and non-commissioned officers coming in from
other divisions had combat experience.
The officers in general were what we referred to as 90-day
wonders--enlisted men who had gone through a 90-day training course. There were a few newly-graduated West
Pointers to stiffen the division.
Although I was the only Mormon in my squad, there were several in the
company and a number in the division.
We soon found each other.
One Bill Johnson in my company became an especially close friend. On our Sundays off we attended church
in Salem, Oregon.
Training began in earnest.
From Monday to Saturday night we drilled, marched, endured calisthenics,
disassembled, assembled, and fired weapons. We dug numerous fox holes, assaulted hills, and went through
one squad and company problem after another. For weeks I lived in a daze of almost total exhaustion. In spite of my resentments against the
army, I developed pride in my infantry skills.
Squad and company training having ended in mid-July, the division
entrained for more advanced battalion and divisional training at Fort Leonard
Wood on the outskirts of the Ozarks in southern Missouri. To get there, the division rode long,
slow freight trains through the Rocky Mountains and Great Plains. Stripped to the waist, the members of
my squad read, played card games, watched the scenery, and interacted with the
civilian population en route. The
trains stopped at least once a day in a small town and the entire division ran
through the streets for exercise.
As we traversed the country, we cheered the girls and accepted many
presents of cookies, cakes, and doughnuts thrown into the car by civilians. We arrived at the fort on a Friday
night, and I promptly put in for a weekend pass. Finding out that the nearest Mormon branch was 80 miles away
at Springfield, I caught a bus for the town and checked into the U.S.O.
Much to my surprise, I encountered my old friend, Marshall Sheldon,
who had also been transferred from the Medical Corp to the Infantry. We had an excellent time at the
Saturday night U.S.O. dance. The
next morning, I attended church and found Mormon friends in attendance, such as
Bill Johnson. We were all invited
to dinner by the Nichols'. Brother
and Sister Nichols had seven charming daughters. I promptly made a date with Nora Jayne for the next Saturday
night. I dated her for several
months. She married a Mormon boy
from the division who was killed in France. I saw her later at the Brigham Young University.
The training at Fort Leonard Wood was intensive and serious. We trained as companies, battalions,
and then as a division. We marched
miles through the incredibly hot and humid Missouri countryside. We assaulted an endless number of
positions under live rifle, machine gun, mortar, and artillery fire. We practiced night attacks, patrolling,
and skirmishing. At times the
training got rather brutal. A boy
in our company was killed by a mortar round falling short.
I still remember one 35-mile forced march with full field packs and
weapons. For the first ten miles
we marched along at a fast pace, singing such songs as the "Beer Barrel
Polka" and "I've Got a Sixpence." But as the temperature climbed, men began to fall out of
ranks from exhaustion. During the
last ten miles I staggered along semi-conscious, repeating to myself, "I
won't fall out, I won't fall out."
I made it to the end of the march, only to collapse in my bed too tired
to eat or to shower.
As we were moving through the brush one day in extended skirmish
formation, a mortar round fell short into our midst. Our combat-experienced sergeant ordered us to hit the dirt
just before it exploded. Another
time we moved off a hill minutes before an artillery round went off. Several times, while wiggling along the
ground under machine gun fire, I felt fear and had to roll over on my back to
keep from jumping to my feet and running.
As part of our training, we were shown actual combat films that, in
their realistic portrayal of fighting in North Africa and the Pacific, sobered
us. The statement that light
machine gunners live about 30 minutes in combat impressed the machine gunners
greatly. In our training we were
incited to hate the Germans and Japanese.
I rebelled at the attempt to indoctrinate me and as an antidote,
subscribed to a number of liberal and intellectual journals, such as the
Atlantic, Harpers, Nation, New Republic, Politics, P.M., and the Socialist
Call. I suspect that my
subscription list drew me to the attention of division intelligence. But these journals and books from the
camp library helped to preserve my integrity and sanity.
By September, 1944, the division passed all squad, company,
battalion, and division tests with flying colors. Training slacked off and we were give more passes than ever
before. Sensing that we might be
shipped overseas in the near future, I boxed up all my personal belongings and
sent them home. Most of the men in
the division were given 15-day passes on September 30, 1944. On our return we were sure that we
would be on our way overseas.
Leaving the camp, I rode the bus to Kansas City and stopped for two
days. I visited the Temple lot and
other church sites in and around Independence, Missouri. As I stood on the Temple lot, I thought
of the persecution of my ancestors and hoped that I might be as faithful and
constant under temptation as they had been under persecution.
Arriving home on October 4, I found that none of my friends were in
town. I did not feel like dating
and spent the time with my family, not knowing if I would every see them
again. I hiked up Mount Olympus
and spent hours just walking through the fields and orchards of Holladay. When my leave ended, I rode the train
to Kansas City, staring moodily at the landscape. From there I traveled to camp by bus.
Upon arrival in camp, I was temporarily transferred to divisional
personnel, where I worked as a typist to bring personnel records up to
date. I enjoyed the work, as it
freed me from the dirty, hard work of preparing divisional equipment for
shipment overseas. I went to
Springfield, Missouri, on weekends to attend U.S.O. dances and parties with my
non-Mormon friends and church activities with other Mormon servicemen. Here I made friends with Ralph
Wickstrom, a Mormon boy from Utah who was later killed in France.
Finally, on November 18, the division entrained. The moment the train began to move
eastward, we cheered, knowing that we were bound for Europe rather than for the
Pacific Theatre. When the train
stopped, we unloaded at Camp Miles Standish on Cape Cod. The weather was extremely cold and we
suffered from living in tents.
With little to do, I went for long walks through the fields, woods, and
along the roads in the Cape, feeling uncertain and fatalistic. I also visited Boston several times,
toured all the historic sites, and attended U.S.O. dances and parties. Here I encountered Richard Madsen, an
old high school friend, training to be a chaplain at Harvard University.
Towards the end of November, we were trucked at night to Boston
Harbor. As we stood in formation
on the cold docks waiting our turn to board the U.S.S. Westpoint (formerly the
U.S.S. America), a Red Cross band played "I'll Be Glad When You're Dead,
You Rascal, You." We filled
our pockets with Red Cross doughnuts and milk cartons. After standing in the cold for hours,
we finally boarded the ship and went down several decks to a large compartment
filled with tiers of bunks from the ceiling to the floor. Once assigned bunks, some began to play
cards and throw dice while the rest of us made our way topside to bid farewell
to the United States.
The ship sailed at dawn, unescorted. Rumor had it that we were on our way to North Africa or to
Italy. Once we had explored the
ship, there was little to do but watch movies, gamble, and stand in the eternal
chow lines for poorly prepared food.
In order to avoid the lines and eat better, I volunteered to work
several hours a day in the officer's mess and quickly noted and resented the
improvement in food. Several of us
found a secluded niche on the top deck of the ship in an isolated corner by a
lifeboat, safe from the prying eyes of officers, sailors, and non-coms. Here we spent hours talking about the
past, the present, and speculation about our uncertain future. We were, at times, caught up in the
sheer beauty of the ocean, the glint of the sun on the waves, the ever-changing
colors of water and skies, brilliant sunsets and dawns, the incredible night
skies alight with innumerable stars, the free-flying seabirds, and the
occasional porpoises racing the ship.
As the weather turned warmer we suspected that we were heading for
the Mediterranean Sea. Suddenly
one morning, we passed through the Straits of Gibraltar. We spent a good part of one day
observing the famous rock, the curving shores of Spain and Morocco, and the
numerous fishing boats that flocked around the ship. Every so often American fighters zoomed low. At night we docked in Marseilles. The harbor was filled with sunken ships
and the docks were severely damaged.
Trucks picked us up and as we rumbled through the darkened streets,
Frenchmen coming out of bars threw bottles of wine into the trucks. Towards dawn we were unloaded on a
hillside overlooking Air, Les Amilles, and the Rhone Valley. We pitched our tents, cleared our
weapons, and set up housekeeping.
After every meal, French women and children came to pick up the remnants.
With little to do, we roamed the nearby country in small groups with
arms over our shoulders. We had
been informed that French militia and occasional German snipers were still in
the region. I was quite impressed
by the care that the French took of their lands. Every arroyo was terraced to hold water and to prevent
erosion. The stone homes with red
tile roofs surrounded by grape vines and trees were attractive. I surprised to find out that, through
Spanish, I could communicate with the local people and spent hours in bars and
cafes in nearby small towns, talking to the local residents about the war. They hated the Germans and the American
Air Force, who were not always careful where they dropped their bombs.
Although most of Marseilles was off-limits to American troops, we
were permitted to visit the central zones. The streets were filled with prostitutes, beggars, soldiers
of many nationalities, and black marketeers, who offered what seemed like large
sums in French money for almost any item the American soldier had. Every soldier received 1 full carton of
cigarette a week. Not smoking, I
sold my cigarette and accumulated a tidy sum in French francs--money that was
almost worthless. I liked the
people and their rather cynical sense of humor. I made friends with some Spanish refugees working for the
American military, who told me about the Civil War in Spain.
We remained on that hillside for several weeks. At night we heard German Reconnaissance
planes flying overhead. Then one
morning, we packed up and boarded a French train made up of the famous French
40 and 8's--space for 40 men or eight horses. The train moved very slowly up the Rhone Valley with
lookouts posted on top of the cars to watch for enemy planes. I quite enjoyed looking at the French
towns that I had read about, as well as the well-kept farms, the rural villages,
and the occasional chateau. In
almost every community, the area around the railroad station had been
bombed. Burned-out locomotives and
railroad cars lined the tracks. We
saw little evidence of combat until we reached Thionville. From there to Bramath, we observed
burnt-out American and German tanks at road crossings at in town streets,
damaged artillery pieces, and abandoned bits of American and German equipment.
Our train stopped during the night at the town of Bramath. As we detrained, one of the men lit a
cigarette. A French conductor
standing nearby quickly pulled the offending cigarette from the mouth of the
soldier, exclaiming that the Germans were only a thousand meters or so in front
of the station. We assembled our
equipment as trucks came up with blackened lights. I heard the officer in charge of the convoy comment to our
company commander that the roads were mined and some casualties were to be
expected. Fortunately, we arrived safe at our destination. As the trucks drove down the road
through pine trees, I could hear our familiar friends, German reconnaissance
planes, droning overhead, accompanied by anti-aircraft fire that sounded like
doors being slammed hard in the sky.
Towards dawn, we reached our destination--a large building facing a
square in Bischweiller. Our gun
covered the square from a large window.
The town was filled with American troops, tanks, and artillery. Germans were dug in on a hill not far
from the community. During the
days that followed, I struck up conversations with the local civilians who knew
English and found that they did not like either French or Germans and that they
did not like us any better. We
were told that there might be German infiltrators or French militia snipers in
town and, therefore, we stayed in our building after dark. Artillery fire muttered in the hills
outside of town, but the war still seemed distant to us.
Several days passed when an officer informed us that the Germans had
captured American tanks and crews of a certain armored division. English-speaking soldiers were
infiltrating American lines in these tanks. We were instructed to fire without awaiting orders on any
soldier seen with that divisional patch on their shoulders. Twenty-four hours later, a sentinel
awakened us at dawn with the news that a tank column was moving through the
square operated by men with that specific patch. We were swinging our machine gun around to fire upon them
when a sergeant ran into the room, yelling, "Don't fire! Don't fire! They are American!"
We enjoyed several weeks in Bischweiller, but one evening trucks
picked up our company at night and transported us to a section of the front in
the forested Vosges mountains near the town of Hurtgen. The weather was extremely cold and
snowy. The members of my squad,
including myself, dug a large squad room in the earth and roofed it with
timbers and metal from nearby bombed-out buildings. We were even able to outfit it with a piano. For several weeks we lived quite
comfortably. The only evidence of
war was the continual mutter of artillery, squadrons of bombers and fighters
flying overhead, and the passing of ambulances loaded with wounded along a road
in front of our position.
About a week later we were ordered to abandon our comfortable
positions. We loaded into ducks
(amphibious vehicles) and traveled slowly up a road behind tanks and mobile
artillery. As we moved, our
attention was caught by noises of aerial combat above our heads. As we watched the duels, our driver
suddenly drove into a clump of pines.
When questioned about it, he said that German fighters were notorious
for suddenly disengaging from dog fights and strafing troops on the road.
The ducks dropped us off near a river bank. As dusk came on, we relieved troops dug
in along the river. Our machine
gun squad occupied a well dug-in bunker covering a ford in the river across
which German combat patrols passed.
Strands of barded wire decorated with tin cans containing gravel and
booby traps surrounded our position on all sides. Behind us a battery of heavy artillery fired incessantly
through the days and nights. What
with the noise of the artillery and of strafing American fighters, neither we
nor the Germans on the other side of the river ever got much sleep.
We had rather ambivalent feeling towards our own air force. Glad that they commanded the skies, we
cursed them for the occasional German fighters that strafed our positions. We were glad to hear the constant
bombing of German positions on the other side of the river, but were scared
that they might bomb us. The
American air force during World War II was notorious for bombing and strafing
its own troops. To keep them up in
the air, we fired on any plane, American or German, that swooped down over our
positions.
We also hated our own support troops, such as the medics,
quartermaster, and communication troops stationed behind the lines. We believed, with some reason, that
they waylaid supplies destined for the front line troops. We envied them their soft, easy life;
their safety from danger; their better food, clothing, and personal equipment. We treated them contemptuously, raided
their supply warehouses, stole their vehicles, and scrounged everything from
them that might be useful at the front. Several times I was detailed with
others to accompany officers to divisional headquarters. While waiting, we located quartermaster
depots and liberated quantities of warm winter clothing that we distributed to
members of our company. On another
occasion, we found a bakery and departed, loaded with loaves of bread, cakes,
pies, and biscuits.
Front line infantry believed that the whole world, including their
civilian leaders, their generals, and their divisional officers, was engaged in
a conspiracy to get them killed.
Sardonic, cynical, and believing in little, the infantry in Europe
during World War II fought well as a matter of pride in themselves and in their
units and to stay alive. They knew
that soldiers never left the front unless killed or wounded. There was no point system to go home,
the war had to be won. Nothing
mattered in the world except one's own company and battalion. Survival depended upon combat skills,
intuition, and one's friends.
Whatever happened, an infantryman with pride in himself never let his
friends down, even though it meant his own life. The bond between soldiers in combat is tighter than almost
any other human relationship.
We had been told in training that we were the best fed, best
trained, and best equipped army in the world and we believed the propaganda
until we encountered the Germans.
We were disillusioned to find out that the German army was more
democratic than our own. It was
more combat experienced and better in the use of camouflage. The Germans maintained excellent combat
discipline, but they lacked the aggressive elan of the American soldiers.
The Germans used smokeless powder. Every time we fired a weapon, the smoke gave away our
position. Every fire fight was
dominated by the sounds of a German automatic rifle called the "burp
gun". We had nothing
comparable. Their light machine
guns fired faster than ours, did not weigh as much, and had barrels that could
be changed much faster and easier.
The German 88 artillery piece was superior to any close support
artillery we had. But, on the
other hand, our rifles, hand grenades, and heavy machine guns were better. But what really turned us into
profoundly disillusioned, cynical soldiers was the superiority of the German
tanks. The Germans also had far
more winter clothing and better winter boots than we did. German prisoners (at the moment of
capture) lost their watches, boots, and white winter capes.
Most American front-line soldiers in our sector of the front wore
heavy, brown army clothing that not only stood our against a snowy background,
but encumbered their movements. At
the time, I wore a heavy set of winter woolens next to my skin. Then came two pairs of khaki pants,
surmounted by two heavy, wool shirts.
Over these I pulled on a pair of windbreaker pants, a heavy sweater, a
field jacket, and finally a heavy, ankle-length brown woolen overcoat. My feet were shod in two pairs of heavy
white woolen socks and a pair of shoe packs (rubberized, high-top boots), in
which one's feet were never warm.
We were quite bitter over our inability to secure warm, light-weight
camouflage winter clothing.
A few days later, our battalion left the river bank and cautiously
moved up through forested hills near the town of Hagenau in V-shaped skirmish
formations. It was here that we underwent
our real baptism of fire. As we
moved along the ridge lines, we were met by bursts of German artillery, machine
gun, automatic rifle, and rifle fire.
Just as our mortars and artillery found the range, the Germans pulled
out. And as we moved through the
German positions, we were hit in turn by German mortar and artillery. It was in these seemingly endless
series of fire-fights that we began to lose men. Once we came under intense shell fire and the shells were
falling where we lay, I jumped to my feet and yelled, "Let's get the hell
out of here!", and dashed out of the impact zone, followed by the entire
company. I learned two important
lessons: one, that I functioned fairly well in combat and, two, that in times
of stress, men will follow anyone (regardless of rank) who seems to know what
he is doing.
In these endless, forested hills, the front was very fluid and
unstable. Both the Germans and
ourselves patrolled aggressively.
Combat between patrols caused many casualties. In one patrol in which I participated, a close friend of
mine was hit by a German rifle bullet that penetrated his helmet in front,
circled his head between the helmet and helmet liner, and exited close to where
it had gone in, leaving a red groove around his head.
Snow fell constantly and the weather turned very cold and
foggy. We moved up hills, dug in
close to ridge lines, moved up behind tanks along winding, twisting roads,
attacked and were attacked. We
never knew for sure where we were or what the purpose of our movements
was. Both the Germans and we were
broken down into companies and battalions that moved through a hallucinated,
forested, hilly landscape treacherous with land mines and booby traps, trying
to kill each other in an Indian-type warfare. I rapidly learned to pay close attention to the sudden
movements of birds, the sounds of animals, the significance of snow suddenly
falling from tree branches ahead, and to scrutinize the ground for tell-tale
signs of booby traps and land mines.
The Germans did not behave like defeated soldiers. They were first-class fighters.
It was during the fighting in the forest around Hagenau that I first
saw men killed and wounded. I was
deeply disturbed and appalled at the fragility of life. But, in time, I became calloused and
fatalistic. I came to believe that
the bullet or shell with my name on it would find me no matter where I
was. No one could escape his
"rendezvous with death".
Because of the cold, my hands and feet began to crack and bleed. No one shaved. To wash, one had to melt snow in
helmets, and there was seldom time for that.
As winter wore on, we continued to fight numerous inconclusive
skirmishes with the Germans. We
were aware that the Germans had broken through our lines further to the east in
their Ardennes offensive. Almost
half of our divisional strength was went to reinforce the bending American
lines. Supplies and ammunition
became less plentiful. Casualties
began to mount and I started to lose friends whose deaths depressed me greatly.
On Christmas day of 1944, we were dug in just behind a ridge line
over-looking a small, nameless Alsatian village. On the day before Christmas, I had watched Alsatian children
skating on a small pond as American and German shells sighed over their
heads. The war took a holiday on
Christmas service in the village church.
Removing our helmets, we stood in the back of the church, arms over our
shoulders, listening to a German language sermon we could not understand, but
were touched by the spirit. As the
people left the church, some of them deposited gingerbread men in our helmets.
The war began the day after Christmas. As the days passed in a blur of firefights, we moved slowly
towards Pfalzburg. As we moved
through the streets of the town behind our tanks, the Germans shelled the town,
setting trucks and buildings on fire.
Several of us jumped downstairs into the basement of an abandoned
house. We could hear the firefight
raging outside the town and watched a tank battle through a narrow window.
The next morning we occupied the town and pressed on under heavy
fire towards the ridge line overlooking the town. As we climbed up a hill, several German soldiers, hands
raised high, stepped out in front of us to surrender. They were but boys, 15 to 17 years old. We had several embittered soldiers who
swore that they would never take prisoners. But even they could not kill children. Sending the prisoners back, we
continued our advance. Dead German
and American bodies lay here and there in the reddish snow.
Feeling that my prospects for surviving the war had about run out, I
prayed earnestly that night in a foxhole that my life might be spared. The next morning, I joined a skirmish
line moving through the woods.
Artillery fire increased in intensity and an exploding shell knocked me
down. Dazed, I stumbled to my feet
and continued up the slope. My
knees were badly twisted and a bit bloody. As I passed a medic treating a soldier shot through the
shoulder he told me to stop. He
looked at my knees and told me to get into the jeep with the other
soldier. For me, the fighting had
ended. The medical jeep drove us
back to an evacuation first aid station.
It was extremely cold and I had not eaten during the day.
A small group of wounded soldiers sat huddled around a wood burning
stove. Hungry, we searched our
clothing and found a few K and C rations.
We forced off the lids, put the rations on the stove, and ate their contents
with our fingers. A young nurse
coming into the room took one look at us and fainted. It was then that I realized how dirty, filthy, unshaven, and
bloody we were.
I was evacuated to the 236 General Hospital at Epinal where I
remained for two weeks. I found it
extremely difficult to sleep in a bed and could not recognize myself when bathed
and shaved. A tank crewman with
bandages over most of his body laid in the bed on my right, and on my left was
a soldier with multiple machine gun wounds. Wounded soldiers in the wards talked freely to each other
about their combat experiences, but we closed our mouths whenever medical
personnel came into the room. Much
to my surprise, I was awarded a purple heart. All the work in the hospital was performed by German
prisoners of war. Oddly enough,
there was more rapport between them and us than there was between us and the
American medics. I learned at the
hospital the one of my best friends, Wickstrom, had been killed.
After two weeks of therapy for my constantly aching knees, I was
placed aboard a hospital train that traveled very slowly through France. Unfortunately, we traversed Paris at
night. I had no idea where the
train was going, but suddenly realized from the hedges that we must be going
through Normandy. I could not help
but think of the many men who died in these hedges and in the destroyed towns
we passed through. The train
stopped at Cherbourg and we boarded an English hospital boat. Once assigned to a bunk, I hobbled to
the deck and stood looking across the harbor filled with sunken ships to the
destroyed town. The early dawn was
cold and foggy. I stood there,
dressed in pajamas and a hospital robe.
I felt colder inside than I did outside. I was filled with guilt at being alive when so many friends
had been killed, and at being there while other friends were still moving through
the hills in the Vosges forests.
Suddenly, a beam of sunshine penetrated through the mist and warmed my
skin. The sun appeared, the mist vanished, and the little waves of the English
channel glinted in the sunshine--the first sunshine that I had seen for
weeks. I suddenly realized that I
was alive, my prayers had been answered, and I could now dream of going
home. I remained on deck
throughout the crossing, watching the channel, the coming and going of
battleships, and the numerous planes overhead.
We landed at heavily battered Southampton and transferred to a
hospital train. I enjoyed the
marvelously beautiful English countryside and marveled at the mean and ugly
industrial towns. The train
stopped early in the morning at Whitechurch, Somerset. I looked at the men unloading the
wounded and then looked again intently.
I suddenly realized that I knew some of them. They were personnel from the 82nd General Hospital, the same
groups that had been in training at Baxter General Hospital. When they saw me, they laughed and told
me that they had got me in the end.
I received excellent treatment at the hospital. The doctors and therapists worked on my
knees, told me that I would need therapy for sometime, and that for several
years a knee might suddenly slip out of joint.
I was at the hospital for almost three months. Gradually my knees improved. The swelling vanished even though I
could not walk very far. I spent
days in therapy exercising my knees and receiving heat treatments and soaking
in warm, agitated water. I was
quite shocked when, one day, my old friend Ross T. Christensen walked into my
hospital tent. As a chaplain's
assistant, he managed to secure a three-day pass for me. I obtained a complete outfit of army
clothing and was bundled, limping, into an English bus headed for
Liverpool.
I had not seen Ross for
several years, so we had much to say to each other.
Once in Liverpool, a taxi delivered us to the Liverpool branch of
the Church. The church hall was
filled with English girls and American, Canadian, English, Australian, and I
believe, Dutch servicemen. Ross
introduced me as an Argentine member of the Church who had volunteered for the
American army, and who spoke very little English. The girls swarmed around us. They talked to Ross in English, who then translated their
comments into Portuguese. I
replied in Spanish to Ross, who translated again into English. Needless to say, we were the focus of
attention.
The next morning, a Sunday morning, we attended church
services. Ross presided at the
sacrament meeting and asked me to speak.
I spoke in English, as we had both forgotten our little charade of the
night before. The words "he speaks
English" spread through the young people. When the meeting ended, they twitted both Ross and myself.
On February 24, 1945, I was transferred to the 168th General
Hospital located in the historic town of Warrington, England, for further
therapy. As the doctors encouraged
me to use my knees as much as possible, I went for long walks through the
moors, hills, and dales of central England. I hitchhiked to nearby cities such as Birmingham,
Manchester, Chester, Liverpool, Wigan, Wallacy, and Preston. I quite enjoyed the tremendous human
diversity of war time England, with troops, civilians, and refugees from all
parts of the world. I enjoyed
talking with them in pubs, coffee houses, and fish-and-chip shops. I developed a deep respect for and
admiration of the British people.
However, I did not like the rigid social class differences--I noticed
that the working class and the upper middle class had quite distinct
cultures. I also disliked the lack
of comfort in the domestic life of the British and the incredible ugliness of
their larger cities. While I was
there, I bought many books, subscribed to several English intellectual
journals, and even became a member of the Left Wing Book Club.
On March 22, 1945, with a seven-day pass in my pocket, I hitchhiked
to London. I checked into the Red
Cross Hotel for servicemen near Picadilly Circus and set out to see all of
London that I could in six days. I
went on every tour available to American servicemen. I toured 18th century London, the Tower, London Bridge, the
London Churches, the law courts, Whitehall, St. Paul's Cathedral, the halls of Parliament,
Westminster Abbey, Hyde Park, and Buckingham Palace. Street by street I explored central London and
Westminster. I was really
impressed by the tremendous park system enjoyed by the London people and by the
horrible slums. I managed to visit
the mission headquarters of the English mission and met the mission president,
Hugh B. Brown, whom all the servicemen and English people loved.
Shortly after my return, I was declared fit for limited duty by the
hospital medical staff and transferred to the notorious 10th Replacement
Depot. The commanding officer, a
Colonel Killian, was a vicious, sadistic individual who delighted in abusing
soldiers under his command. The camp
was divided into two sections--one section for soldiers awaiting reassignment
and the other for military prisoners.
Discipline was harsh and military rules and regulations enforced to the
smallest detail. I had forgotten
just how arbitrary and totalitarian the basic structure of the American
military was. Military prisoners
were brutally treated. I was
delighted to be there for only a few days.
One afternoon, an exuberant air force colonel called together all
the ex-infantry in the camp to inform us that we were to be transferred to the
air force. We received the news
with sullen silence rather than with the enthusiastic cheers that he
expected. If we had had our
druthers, most of us would have returned to our infantry patches. We refused point blank to do so. Fortunately, the air force compromised
with us. We were permitted to keep
our divisional patches on one shoulder of our jackets, provided we wore the air
force patch on the other shoulder.
Within the air force, the ex-infantry became an irritating, closed
group, refusing to salute air force officers or to freely associate with air
force personnel.
Upon leaving the replacement depot, I was assigned to a Bomber Air
Base near Preston, England. After
attending truck driver's school, I became a truck driver, driving all over
central and southern England. I
found driving on the left an exciting challenge. The English roads then were quite narrow, with many right
angle turns through the numerous villages. As we were frequently given the day off at the end of our
runs, I got to see a good part of England. My most startling experience as a truck driver was the
discovery of groups of Spanish prisoners-of-war held by the American army. They fought for the Spanish Republic
during the Spanish Civil War.
Seeking refuge in southern France, they were drafted into labor
battalions by the Germans and later captured by the Americans.
I had long wanted to see Edinburgh, Scotland. Securing a seven-day pass, I took the
train to Edinburgh on July 12, 1945.
I enjoyed traveling across the historic and interesting lands of
northern England and of lowland Scotland.
Edinburgh is one of the most dramatic and lovely cities in the British
Isles. I visited all the historic
sites, including the impressive castle.
I made many friends among the friendly Scots. Food was more plentiful in Edinburgh than it was in
England. Towards the end of my
stay, I stopped to listen to a speaker near the principal church in the city
attacking the United States. I
heckled him vigorously. Much to my
surprise, he stopped, stepped down from his stool, and invited me to address
the crowd, which I did for some thirty minutes. He heckled me in turn.
We were having some enjoyable exchanges when I noticed several M.P.s
working their way through the crowd.
I suddenly remembered that American soldiers were not to become involved
with British politics. I jumped
down from the stool and started to run.
The members of the large crowd standing there locked arms, trapping the
M.P.s until I was well away. I
left Edinburgh with a firm desire to return.
The European war ended on May 8, 1945. I still remember the lights coming on in the British cities
for the first time in many years.
The city nights assumed quite a different aspect. The English people celebrated in a
constrained way the ending of years of strain and tension. There was little of the exuberant
excitement that marked the ending of the war in the United States.
Shortly after the end of the war, I got into a bitter argument with
a sergeant over my constant Sunday assignments, and shortly was transferred to
a small air base near Thetford, England, there soldiers working with gas masks
loaded leaky, poisonous gas bombs into trucks for disposal in the ocean for
punishment. As my knees began to
swell, I went on sick call and was excused from labor. I explored East Anglia with its flat
fields, marshes, and sparse villages.
I enjoyed wandering around Thetford, Bury St. Edmunds, Coventry, Ely,
Norwich, and other English cities.
But gradually I began spending most of my time in the university town of
Cambridge. I enjoyed the colleges
of the university, and attended lectures and plays whenever I could. I patronized the book stores more than
my financial resources permitted.
I thought of taking my discharge in England and enrolling at Cambridge.
During my stay in England, I was part of another Mormon social
system composed of Mormon servicemen, whatever their nationality, and English
members of the Church. A network
of Mormon servicemen covered all the military camps in England and even
extended into German prisoner-of-war camps. Under the direction of President Hugh B. Brown, church
groups were organized in all the larger military bases. However, many Mormon servicemen such as
myself preferred to attend English branches of the Church such as Wallacy,
Preston, and Liverpool, that had attractive young ladies.
A very strong and affectionate relationship developed between
American servicemen and the British members of the Church. Almost every member family in England
adopted one or more American soldiers or, in some cases like the Fosters in
Preston and the Fyfes in Wallacy, entire companies. Through the soldiers, the English members of the Church
secured access to goods not available in England. As few American soldiers liked canned fruit juices and
vegetables, mess sergeants were happy to have Mormon soldiers pick up two or
three five-gallon cans to supplement the rations that soldiers, invited to
spend a weekend with an English family, were permitted to take with them. Clothing, candy, cosmetics, and other
goods could be secured at the army P.X.s.
Many English branches sponsored Saturday night dances, picnics, and
other social activities. Such
activities attracted Mormon servicemen and English young people from all over
central England. There were
usually four or five soldiers to each English girl. Our social groups visited such English resorts as
Blackpool. We also toured the
castles, museums, art galleries, cathedrals, and other historic sites that were
open. Most of the English girls
married American servicemen or migrated to Utah after the war and married
there.
When the war ended in Europe, the American servicemen did everything
but mutiny to pressure the American government to send them home. The rapid dismantling of the large
combat-experienced armies in Europe was but one of the many bad policies of the
time. At any rate, on September
24, 1945, I was notified that I had accumulated enough points for a
discharge. I was sent to a base
near Bury St. Edmunds for processing.
Along with many other troops, I then went to Southhampton to board a
troop ship, the U.S.S. Anderson, for return to the United States.
The crossing was very rough and lasted
about ten days. Shortly after we
passed the Azores Islands, we were hit by a hurricane that drove us almost to Brazil. As we approached New York, most of us
were on deck to see the Statue of Liberty rising slowly above the horizon. Upon landing we were trucked to a camp
in New Jersey. That night I called
my family to let them know that I had arrived in the United States and secured
a three-day pass to visit my brother, Paul, laboring in the mission office of
the Eastern States Mission in Philadelphia. We spent a day together. Upon my return I was put aboard a
very slow troop train that traveled across the United States, dropping off
soldiers. Reaching Salt Lake City,
I was discharged. I encountered my
friend, Oliver Smith, who was now an officer. Joining the reserves for financial reason, I picked up my
discharge bonus, had the ruptured duck sewn on my Eisenhower jacket, and became
a civilian again. I almost danced
and sang all the way home. But my
family, alas, no longer lived in Holladay. During my stay in Europe, the family had moved to a large
home on the northeast corner of Third Avenue and N Street. The family, in moving, had disposed of
my collections of fossils and Indian relics and my large, highly-valued
roll-top desk. Even my high school
papers had vanished. My adjustment
to civilian life was complicated by having to live in a strange neighborhood. I missed the rural fields, orchards,
and pastures of Holladay.
My first act as a civilian was to register for unemployment
relief. Then I went downtown to
buy scarce civilian clothes. At
the time, it was difficult for civilians to buy clothing; but when a discharged
soldier appeared in a store, clothing appeared as if by magic. Then I went out to Holladay and found
that all of my friends had survived the war. We had many good times, talking about our military
experiences. Among us we had
served in most branches and theatres of the service.
Some thirty years have passed since I was discharged from the
army. I disliked it from the first
to the last day and have prayed that no son of mine would ever experience
military service. I successfully
resisted the efforts of the army to modify my personality or to change my
political, intellectual, or religious values. I developed a greater appreciation of Mormonism and a
stronger testimony of the gospel.
I learned the importance of friendship. I can never forget how kind and tender-hearted tough combat
infantrymen were toward each other.
I still miss, after all those years, the tight bonds of comradeship that
I experienced in the infantry.
Thus, in spite of myself, my military experiences profoundly affected my
life. I still possess the
sardonic, mistrustful, and cynical attitudes of an infantryman towards all
governments and towards all those in authority.
For years I slept very lightly at night. Any sound in the house or yard would bring me out of bed. Airplanes flying overhead or loud
sounds triggered off a desire to seek cover. For over ten years I suffered from a recurrent nightmare. I would be sleeping next to my wife in
a warm bed during a cold winter night.
A loud knock at the front door awakened me. I put on my clothes and, opening the door, found my old
company commander standing on the porch.
In his arms were combat clothing and equipment. Looking at me, he was say,
"Knowlton, the furlough is over." I returned to my bedroom, kissed my sleeping wife, and
without saying a word, put on the clothing. Loading my carbine and slipping it over my shoulder, I
stepped outside the house and assumed my place in my squad. Moving out of my street, the squad
would take its position in a long line of infantry moving up both sides of the
street with tanks, self-propelled artillery, and trucks traveling up the
middle. The night sky was
luminescent with recurrent flashes of artillery and shells were exploding near
the road. Always we were moving
north. As the order came to
scatter in skirmish formation and to prepare for assault, I would awaken,
shivering with cold and covered with sweat. It took me many years before I felt integrated into civilian
life, if it could be said that I have ever fully integrated.
There was much about American military and occupational policy
during and after the war that I regarded as murderous, brutal, stupid, and
silly. I could not accept the
deliberate bombing of civilian targets by the Allied air force. Studies after the war showed that these
bombings killed hundreds of thousands of people and did not weaken the German
war effort. I believed then and
believe now that both the German and Allied air commanders should have been
tried as common war criminals at the end of the war. The policy of unconditional surrender that prolonged the
war, that cost thousands of lives, and that brought the Russians into the heart
of Europe was stupid beyond belief.
So was the brutal turning over of Russian refugees in Europe to the camps. The policy of non-fraternization that
prohibited American soldiers from establishing any friendly contacts with the
German people was incredibly silly.
The deliberate starvation of the German people at the end of the war was
heartless and criminal.
I disliked the army from the day I entered until the day I
left. I despised the entire
military caste system and had little respect for most officers and non
commissioned officers I served under except some in the infantry. I became somewhat of a "barracks
lawyer". I could not conceal
my attitudes from my officers and sergeants but I never gave them an
opportunity to come down on me. I
obeyed all army regulations. But I
always had a substantial library of books, even at the front, I also subscribed
also to wide variety of liberal and socialist and intellectual journals. I am sure that my subscriptions brought
me to the attention of army intelligence.
Throughout my army career, I remained a civilian in uniform. I was also constantly working away at
university correspondences. I
barely masked my contempt and near insubordination with a punctilious
performance of my duties. I paid a
price in lack of promotion and in many unpleasant assignments, but at no time
did the army ever manage to crack my veneer except in combat and there it was
cracked wide open.
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